Inch The new generation of protests in Serbia is faced with a big question that has so far replaced: what do you think about nationalism? Last Saturday, the ultimatum of the movement towards President Alexandar Vucich ran out to name new elections. Street blocks were built throughout the country since then, and the movement was paralyzed.
Students began with professions, creative actions and mass democrats captured to demonstrate against President Vuchich, who turned Serbia into a clientele vicinity and deprived of a place in parliament. He controls the media and the judicial system. Corruption of his system requires human life – for example, when the recently repaired Vordach station in the Novye SED station collapses 16 dead.
At the center of protest was the rule of law and democracy, and this met for wide support among the population. Also because complex political issues were excluded. Now last weekend, about 140,000 people gathered on June 28, Tydovdan (Vita Day), for a large demonstration in Belgrade. The central day of the mythology of the history of Serbian history, supported by the memories of the battle on the AMSELFELD 1389 – a story that was instrumental, like no other for large ideologies. Vuchich accuses students of control abroad. Your answer June 28: Excessive commitment to the people and the Fatherland on stage. To hit the president in his own area, the movement risks becoming that you are fighting for yourself.
The first speech gave a Serbian student from Kosovo. In his speech, he quotes the fan of Hitler, Bishop Nikoladge Velmirovich with the traditional Shajka-Serbian headdress. For him, they say that Serbia for centuries sacrificed his people to save Europe from the Ottoman Empire and Islam. Another speaker, a professor of literature, spoke about “Serbian integralism”, we can also say: Grossiere. And a professor of electrical engineering claimed that “genocide pogroms” against the Serbs in Kosovo will take place at present – a statement without any reason. This is a well -known nationalist madness of the country that has never committed its own crimes, whose education system is ethnic impressive and extracts its political identity from the mythologization of the battle of 1389.
The central demand for protests is new elections. At first, Vucich wanted her, no longer out of fear of losing her, despite ordinary electoral fraud. Students plan their own list of elections with the professor: Inside. After Vidovdan’s performances, fears that ultra -rationalist people will also be represented there. The list of speakers was determined by the umbrella organization of media employees of various abilities, that is, the students themselves.
It is not surprising that the international movement was hardly supported by a democratic movement that reaches the national. But this nationalism is deeply split. Many demonstrators: inside there are no fantasies for redeeming in the name of Serbentum – they are fighting for democracy and against corruption, and not for national myths. And why should civil society and people from neighboring countries continue to demonstrate solidarity with a movement, the rhetoric of which is unlikely to differ from the drawers of hostilities of the 90s?
Initially, the protest had integrative approaches: students from Novy -Pazar – mostly Muslims – occupied their university and stood next to their fellow students: inside. Bosniac and Serbian flags wore together. The variety in communication is installed on the front.
Now the new phase of protest was broken. After the end of the ultimatum, students symbolically gave a “green light” for civil disobedience to the Viddodan. In some places, pedestrians simply walk very slowly and again and again through pedestrian crossings. But this is also a little rougher, some, therefore, talk about radicalization of movement – however, it was relatively soft: the barricades often consist of fictitious containers. When the police come, let them clarify and block another corner in order to save the police in motion.
State power reacts with repression. Protesters in Belgrade are still on the street and demonstrate a democratic update. But the one who relies on nationalism prepares the ground for the next authoritarian kleptocrates. Vucich did not fall from heaven. Anyone who believes that this can only become better after him should remember who the Minister of the Information Minister of the deceased government of Slobodan Milosevich was: Aleksandar Vucich.
