Despite the information on the “Koldo case” published yesterday by EL ESPAÑOL and the strength of the revelations contained in the UCO report, Pedro Sanchez can still deny his criminal involvement in the corrupt plot of the former number two of abalos. But what he cannot deny is his political responsibility in this affair.
The president cannot therefore claim, as certain media outlets closest to power claimed yesterday, that he was deceived by Jose Luis Abalos authorize the travel of Delcy Rodriguez in Spain without knowing their true intentions.
According to Moncloa sources cited by these media, this trip was “cancelled” as soon as the government remembered that the EU Council had banned the vice-president of the Maduro dictatorship from traveling to the territory. European. What no one explains is the reason for this “cancellation”, given that Delcy landed in Madrid and met Ábalos.
The theory that Pedro Sánchez was a victim of Ábalos’ machinations contradicts the most basic common sense.
First, because the members of the conspiracy refer to Sánchez with the nickname “that one”. Also, because the revelations concerning the affair Francine Armengoltoday president of Congress, already Angel Victor Torrescurrent Minister of Territorial Policy, speaks of a plot that goes beyond Koldo and Ábalos, and that reaches some of the autonomies governed by the PSOE.
Secondly, because it seems impossible to defend with a minimum of rigor the thesis according to which the president of the government was unaware of the intrigues of his number two, organizational secretary of the PSOE and minister of Development. The one with the largest budget of the entire Executive and, therefore, of the greatest capacity to influence and purchase wills. Link also between the government and the PSOE.
Third, because Delcy Rodríguez’s trip finally took place and probably served to finalize the sale by Aldama of 104 gold bars worth $68.5 million.
Fourth, because the conversations between Ábalos and Sánchez collected in the UCO report are full of understandings. An example of this is Ábalos’ reference to “the management that we have agreed on in favor of Spanish companies” and Sánchez demonstrates that he knows when he responds with “good” to his minister’s message. without asking what steps you are talking about.
Fifth, because it seems impossible to simultaneously affirm the responsibility of Ábalos for the actions of Koldo without at the same time supporting the responsibility of Sánchez for those of his number two, Ábalos.
In other words, Ábalos is Sánchez’s Koldo, and Sánchez the Ábalos of Ábalos.
This response from Sánchez (“good”) also comes after Ábalos told him that his efforts with the dictatorship allowed the company Duro Felguera to recover “a significant debt” with Venezuela, a debt that never been recovered according to the UCO. But how credible is it that Sánchez was unaware that Ábalos was lying to him on a subject that was essential to Spanish interests and which also affected several Spanish companies?
Although the connection between Pedro Sánchez and the Koldo affair currently has only indirect evidence, what seems obvious is that Ábalos, Koldo and Aldama could not have done everything they did without the tacit approval or explicit by Pedro Sánchez. Ábalos himself explains it in one of the conversations with Koldo included in the UCO report: “You see, he didn’t tell me anything, but at least he doesn’t object.”
The political responsibility of Pedro Sánchez in Delcygate is undeniable, whether due to looking or because of guilt by choosing. These two problems must be resolved through political means and political decisions, without waiting for the results of police and judicial investigations, nor a court decision which could take years.
The president must explain himself to the Spanish. And not through these unknown “government sources” cited repeatedly by their relevant media, but in person and by answering questions from journalists from the unaffiliated press.
