lOn July 18, during her confirmation as head of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen assured that “Migration challenges require a European response based on a fair and firm approach based on our values. Always bearing in mind that migrants are human beings like you and me. And we are all protected by human rights.”
A few weeks later, the Europeans once again showed disunity and a blatant lack of solidarity. By announcing on 9 September, without consultation, the reintroduction of border controls, Germany is certainly within its rights. The Regulation on free movement within the Schengen area authorises such measures, in particular in the event of security threats.
In a difficult electoral context for the coalition led by the Social Democrats, it nevertheless sends a disastrous message to its neighbours, who today face the same problems of movement of asylum seekers. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk judged “unacceptable” the re-establishment of borders. His Greek counterpart deplored anything that weakened the space for free movement.
Why, in fact, would not all their neighbours do the same, starting with Austria and the Czech Republic, two countries on the route taken by migrants arriving from southern Europe to reach wealthy Germany? It should be remembered that Germany remains by far the first host country for asylum seekers arriving in Europe via Italy, Greece or the Balkans. If each country were to assume its responsibilities, it is the latter that should examine the rights of these people. According to the Dublin Agreement, the countries of first entry must welcome them. Unfortunately, this system no longer works.
Before the summer, the Twenty-Seven finally managed to agree on the “migration and asylum” pact. It should allow for a dose of solidarity to be introduced into the current system, making it possible to ease the workload of countries of first entry. However, it will not be until 2026 for these rules to be officially implemented.
Other answers besides improvisation
Until then, the German change risks having disastrous effects in Brussels on negotiations regarding future regulations, starting with the upcoming law on returns. More and more states want to be able to expel asylum seekers as they see fit, either to third countries or to the countries of origin of these citizens. However, by returning around thirty Afghans convicted by the courts to their country, now subjected to the ruthless regime of the Taliban, Berlin has already broken a taboo after having long refused to do so.
Other member states, including Austria and Cyprus, also want to expel Syrians to their home country, which is still in chaos, and are pushing their European counterparts to follow this path. For the moment, no consensus has been reached.
As demographic imbalances increase, the difficult issue of immigration demands answers other than improvisation and every man for himself in a Europe where the left too often remains inaudible and banned in the face of the hysterics maintained by a visionless far right. The cohesion of the European Union and the values recalled by Ursula von der Leyen are at stake.
