We talked a lot about Frontexthe European Border and Coast Guard Agency, since Spain falls asleep and wakes up every day in a new migratory reception crisis. He People’s Party recently accused the government of “not taking advantage” of the aid provided by Europeans. While Pedro Sanchezfor his part, did not specify whether at any given time he had refused this reinforcement.
Not everything is black or white, they say from Frontex, whose spokesperson spoke exclusively to SPANISH | Wallet from the head office of Warsaw, Poland. “Frontex and Spain have worked closely together for almost two decades. In fact, we continue to do so, with agents deployed in critical areas. And if further assistance is needed from us, it will be available,” he explains. Chris Borowskiwho has worked at the European Agency for nine years.
One of its internal reports currently considers Canary Islands “the place where migratory pressure is the strongest” in the European Union. They point out that so far this year, more than 30,000 people They reached the most distant archipelago by irregular routes – three times more than to Greece, for example. Ironconsidered before “the Lesbos of the Atlantic”although five times smaller, received this year twice as many migrants than the Greek island in the Mediterranean.
Image taken at Frontex facilities in Warsaw, Poland.
But, unlike Lésbos During several migration crises, even the small Canary Island was not deployed not a single agent from Frontex. The reasons are diverse. The European Agency is “capable” and “expects” to act, they say. But they also recognize, for the first time, that it would be “impossible” their intervention with planes and ships in the Canary Islands without the authorization of West African countries.
Question.– Recently, Director Hans Leijtens indicated that Frontex was awaiting a formal request from the Spanish authorities to strengthen its support in response to the migration crisis. Could you confirm if Frontex is currently negotiating increased support for Spain?
Answer.– We are in talks with several Member States who will host our operations in 2025. The problem we have in Spain is that there are significant limits in terms of what we can do outside the European Union, on the operational plan. For Frontex, for example, to patrol the African coast with a ship or plane, a special agreement is necessary between the EU and the countries concerned.
Currently, we conclude these types of agreements mainly in the Western Balkans, where we help manage the borders of countries like Albania and Montenegro. In the Canary Islands, without such agreements it is practically impossible for us to have fully developed operations.
The case of Albania
Recently, Italy proposed a model of outsourcing migrant management through agreements with countries outside the European Union. The plan was to transfer irregular migrants arriving in Italy to processing centers in Albania via boats, instead of holding them on Italian territory.
An approach similar to the model previously used by some European countries to manage migration through agreements with third countries, such as the 2016 EU-Türkiye pact.
Frontex now defends the conclusion of prior agreements with these third countries to prevent the massive arrival of migrants. In the Canary Islands there is also talk of legal problems when it comes to being able to deploy or not.
Q.– I would like to know if you can explain to us how the application process to which Hans Leijtens refers works.
A.– The process begins when a Member State, such as Spain, submits a formal request for additional support to Frontex. Once the request is received, we work closely with national authorities to assess your needs and plan the best way to provide you with assistance. There are no specific criteria that Spain must meet, but any operation would be based on mutual agreement and aligned with European Union law and fundamental rights standards.
Q.– Knowing that the Spanish government has not made this request, what is Frontex’s formal position regarding the situation in the Canary Islands?
A.– We are very aware of the significant migratory pressure on the Canary Islands, particularly on the island of El Hierro. Our position is that a comprehensive approach is necessary. It is not just about managing arrivals, but also tackling the root causes of migration. This involves close cooperation with local authorities to improve border management and intelligence sharing, as well as working with countries of origin and transit to dismantle smuggling networks.
Additionally, we must ensure that humanitarian needs are met, while maintaining border security. Preventing unsafe travel through better cooperation with countries of origin is key to reducing these numbers in the long term and saving lives.
Q.– Since you mentioned El Hierro, we have seen recently how migrants from countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan have arrived on the island. What does this mean in terms of migration flows monitored by Frontex?
A.– This is a sign that smuggling networks are adapting their routes to the reality on the ground. In the past we have seen people from countries like Pakistan or Bangladesh travel to countries like Turkey or Libya, often using airports in the Middle East, and then attempt to reach Europe via the Mediterranean. It is possible that, after countries like Tunisia and Libya cracked down on smuggling networks this year, some migrants are now considering the Canary Islands route as a new option, but we will need more time to confirm this.
Map provided by Frontex of the most important irregular migration routes in the European Union. The Canary Islands route (West Africa) stands out with an increase of 123% compared to last year.
Q.– Would it be common to see organized criminal networks trafficking people from Asia to Europe via the Canary Islands?
A.– Well, we are closely monitoring these developments to adjust our operations accordingly. The truth is that this change highlights how smuggling networks are exploiting new routes, using West African countries as a gateway to Europe. And what we consider is the involvement of organized crime networks in human trafficking as a common but no less worrying phenomenon.
These groups take advantage of the instability and lack of opportunities in migrants’ countries of origin to profit from their desperation. And these profits are enormous and are often used to finance other criminal activities. The fight against these criminal networks requires greater cooperation between Europe and the countries involved. This is one of the main reasons why we need cross-border cooperation: to deal with these huge criminal enterprises that know no borders.
Q.– Is there therefore coordination between Frontex and Spain in terms of exchange of intelligence, particularly in the fight against human trafficking and smuggling networks?
A.– Yes, obviously, we work hand in hand with the Spanish authorities to exchange information in order to confront these smuggling networks. We have a strong partnership with Spain, allowing us to effectively share critical information. Over the years, our presence has evolved to respond to the growing number of arrivals. And we continue to adapt our operations to ensure they meet the needs on the ground.
To cope with these migratory pressures, Spain must do more than just manage arrivals
Q.– And yet, migratory pressure in the Canaries has increased considerably in recent years.
A. – Yes. But the challenges we face in the Canary Islands are part of a wider set of problems at Europe’s external borders. From the eastern borders with Russia and Belarus to other parts of Europe, we see desperate migrants being used as political tools. Some regimes exploit these vulnerable people to destabilize Europe, transforming migration into a form of blackmail. These situations require a coordinated response at European level, and Frontex is at the center of this response.
A Frontex employee in Ceuta (Spain).
Q.– What role do Spain and the government of Pedro Sánchez have in all this?
A.– In the case of the Canary Islands, it is for us a region which has become a crucial gateway. To cope with these migratory pressures, Spain must do more than just manage arrivals. The Sánchez government must address the root causes of migration and strengthen cooperation with key countries of origin and transit, such as Morocco, Mauritania and Senegal.
That is why we are also working to improve coordination, share intelligence and strengthen border management capabilities with these countries. It’s about stopping dangerous journeys before they even begin, before lives are lost at sea or in the desert.
At the heart of this project is the Schengen area, one of Europe’s greatest achievements. The possibility of traveling from Madrid to Warsaw is something to take advantage of and be proud of. We must protect Schengen, but we can only achieve this if we work together as one Europe. Every EU member state has a role to play and Frontex, in partnership with countries like Spain, is committed to safeguarding the integrity of our borders while defending European values.
Q – Sometimes the image of Frontex seems much harsher than the one you convey…
A.– But the fact is that, although border management is a key aspect of this strategy, it is only one element. To effectively manage migration, we must also focus on stabilizing regions of origin, improving legal migration pathways and tackling criminal networks that exploit vulnerable people.
Q.– Will diplomacy work? Everything indicates that the next decade in Europe will be much more complex in terms of migration.
A.– The challenges we face are complex, but thanks to the experience we have and cooperation with Member States, we are in a strong position to respond to them. Our long-term plan, regarding Frontex, includes not only supporting Spain and other frontline states, but also building stronger partnerships with countries outside the European Union to reduce migration flows at the source. By tackling these challenges collectively, we can ensure that Europe’s borders remain secure and that the Schengen area remains a symbol of freedom and unity.
