It’s common to see the phrase “It’s the economy, stupid.” Only on very rare occasions, correctly. This was never a campaign slogan. Bill Clinton. The one who is insulted here is not so much his opponent from 1992, the outgoing Republican president. George H. W. Bushlike himself.
The axiom comes from the advisor’s magín Jim Carvillewho pinned it on paper in various locations at the headquarters of the then-Democratic governor of Arkansas’ election team. This was to be one of the ideas on which the messages should be based, along with improving health and “change versus always the same thing”.
Clinton won the election against a leader whose popularity reached implausible limits following the outcome of the US intervention against the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Those around him were able to find where the electorate’s wound really lay.
The president of the PP, Alberto Núñez Feijóo (i), and the spokesperson of the PP, Miguel Tellado (d), at the Congress of Deputies.
Europe Press
Alberto Nuñez Feijóo He was not exactly characterized by boldness during his two and a half years as president of the People’s Party. Some people wonder what the turn towards, let’s say, “social” proposals is due to, which has been made in recent times.
In television, most decisions made can be explained by the phrase “because it gets an audience.” The equivalent in politics would be voting. As these do not arrive daily, bets should be made guided by surveys.
Comrades who follow PP news clearly know that opinion polls are indeed behind this. In Genoa they confirmed, they tell us, that people are more aware of the initiatives on these issues than of the big questions that, until now, have been the subject of public debate.
Two ideas stand out from the others: popular ideas lack any influence among young people and the middle class feels devastated.
The measures – which tell us about nursery schools, maternal and paternal leave, carers or working hours – can be good or bad in themselves. But they raise questions that actually affect citizens who are perhaps still amused by the twists and turns of the political video, but who rarely feels really concerned about the most talked about topics.
The reaction was furious in many opinion-making spheres close to Genoa and among some of the party’s most mic-hungry historic voices. They have caught up with the caricature that some chroniclers draw of the “Madrileño”: an egocentric bubble that does not relate outside the circles of power.
They end up saying that this does not interest the liberal or conservative voter. They appreciate a degree of interventionism that is indistinguishable from social democracy. this must displease each of the party’s millions of voters, whom they imagine as fervent readers of FAES notebooks.
You only need to listen a little to the conversations held today by groups of people who cut across their ideologies and worldviews to very openly doubt this assertion.
The PP can obtain electoral income even without winning a single vote. He just needs to deactivate the discourse of fear. This allowed the PSOE to maintain a sufficient number of voters to continue to govern. The abstention of the adversary is as useful as the adhesion of one’s own.
Already at the time of the referendum on NATO, criticism from the left against the style of Javier Krahe He used the deconstruction of PSOE acronyms as a method of reproach. (“Neither Party, nor Socialist, nor Worker, nor Spaniard”, and in this plan). The PP can reverse the technique to defend the spirit of these new proposals. Just send reviewers to look up “popular” in the dictionary.
