Can denounced before the National Court that its leaders were victims of “Mass espionage” made by the patriotic font. The partisan press relayed this thesis. Leaders like Ione Belarra either Pablo Iglesias They used him politically and blamed him dirty war to the Popular Party.
But the reports presented by Judge Santiago Pedraz, if they do not mortally wound this story, deflate it considerably.
The National Police sent to the Central Court of Instruction number 5 several dozen reports which question the thesis according to which the Rajoy government, between 2015 and 2016, launched illegal maneuvers to boycott the first Podemos deputies in Congress.
These documents bring together, one by one, the research carried out by different agents —from different police stations across Spain and numerous police units— carried out in their databases and which coincided with the names of these 55 politicians.
And far from constituting nearly 7,000 acts of “stalking and espionage” —as Podemos asserts—what these files list are, essentially, common procedures and various bureaucratic procedures. For example, the loss of a DNI, filing a complaint…
Indeed, they reveal data unknown to date, such as a “proposed sanctions for drug possession/consumption of 04/19/2015” against one of the first deputies that Podemos had in Congress. This is a person who is now part of the party leadership. EL ESPAÑOL prefers to remain anonymous, since his criminal record has been cleared.
Even if its history is now called into question, this legal case began with a complaint filed by Podemos against several members of what the party calls the patriotic font. Among them would be Eugenio Pinoformer deputy operational director (DAO) of the National Police, who will declare himself under investigation this Tuesday.
But the documentation he has had for several days. Pedraz also assigns various tasks aimed at protecting Pablo Iglesias himself from threats from far-right radicalslike those posted continuously by a man, via Twitter, in 2014.
On another occasion, an officer asked for information about a man with the same two last names as Irene Montero Gilformer Equalities Minister and church couple. Although it does not correspond to the leader, this search was also counted by Podemos among the almost 7,000 acts of espionage that were not.
A letter and a ball
EL ESPAÑOL had access to a report from the General Scientific Police Commission (CGPC) from 2015. In it, the fingerprints found in an envelope, with a letter and an undrawn cartridge inside and addressed to Pablo Iglesias. The threatening letter included phrases such as: “Mr. Iglesias: the end justifies the means.”
It is dated June 2015. At that time, Pablo Iglesias was already a well-known MEP, but it was not until December of the same year that he became a member of Congress.
Fotografías de la carta con un proyectil que recibió Pablo Iglesias en 2015 y que fue analizada por la Policía.
Como consta en la documentación en poder de este periódico, la Policía Científica halló una huella en el sobre el 20 de julio de 2015. Por ello, ordenó consultar en las bases de datos policiales la ficha de Pablo Iglesias para obtener una muestra de las huellas dactilares del político. ¿Con qué objetivo? Para descartar las que fueran suyas y analizar únicamente las ajenas, en busca de la identidad del emisor de la carta.
Y, como desveló EL ESPAÑOL, dos días después, el 22 de julio de 2015, un agente de la Brigada de Información realizó 34 consultas, en un plazo de diez minutos, sobre Pablo Iglesias en una de las bases de datos de la Policía, denominada Argos. El informe de la CGPC indica que Información era la encargada de dicha labor y solicitó permiso para ello.
Registro de consultadas de la Brigada de Información de Madrid sobre Pablo Iglesias.
Otro paquete de informes enviados a la Audiencia Nacional refieren a la exministra Ione Belarra, actual secretaria general de Podemos y sucesora de Iglesias.
Las búsquedas con su nombre efectuadas en bases de datos policiales corresponden a “controles aleatorios” efectuados durante una manifestación en 2016. De hecho, el agente que los realizó está ya jubilado y, según subraya uno de los dosieres, “no constan rastreos exhaustivos de esta persona [Ione Belarra] by the above-mentioned official”.
On the other hand, an inspector from the Provincial Immigration and Borders Brigade, stationed in Melilla in 2016, affirmed that the search he carried out in Belarra was due “only to simple curiositywithout spirit or underlying motive other than that described.” The leader was participating on those days in a march in the autonomous city in favor of the rights of migrants.
Another report to which EL ESPAÑOL had access indicates that after an “own investigation”, the National Police detected that far-right groups could disrupt the celebration of the 2014 edition of the Summer University of Complutense University of Madrid.
A police report confirming police protection at a Podemos event.
For this reason, the Corps has chosen to assign protection to this event. Notably because of the fear that Pablo Iglesias would be attacked by radical ultras, after noting that there was “an increase in attacks and threats” towards the leaders of the left-wing formation.
