The circumstances that led to the victory of Donald Trump During the American presidential elections, they did not make it possible to predict reassuring scenarios. Republican control of Congress and the Senate warned of the dangers of a second term without checks and balances for which, moreover, the former president aimed to complete everything he could not accomplished during his first presidency.
But the nominations he made last week for his future team surpassed the worst omens. The profiles designated by Trump, a group of loyalists with extremely dubious credentials, corroborate the revanchist (even persecutory) spirit with which the Republican is preparing to return to the White House.
If Trump was able to appoint as attorney general a person under investigation for sexual abuse and drug use, or an extremist anchor also accused of sex crimes, for the Department of Defense, it is thanks to devaluation of moral standards for the exercise of politics which he promoted, and which he took advantage of in the first place to get himself re-elected.
That the appointment of deliberately controversial profiles hardly aroused rejection within the Republican Party (which would have been unthinkable in 2016) shows to what extent the magnate has ensured the absolute loyalty of his co-religionists.
The election of the pro-Russian party raises no less concern. Tulsi Gabbard for the intelligence services, or that of the anti-vaccine conspiracy Robert F. Kennedy as Secretary of Health. Trump puts the fox in charge of the henhouse.
In reality, the composition of Trump’s new cabinet is consistent with the anti-establishment spirit of his candidacy, which can only be translated by entrusting government action to amateurs, agitators and eccentrics. Many of them do not have management experience or even training in their area of expertise.
In the quota of foreigners The unpredictable anti-system has also entered Elon Muskan indication like few others of the change in American political culture that Trumpism will bring. And at the same time as he proposes to restructure the entire federal bureaucracy, the former president also aspires to exhaust it.
It is unlikely that the North American institutional framework will be capable of tempering Trumpist populism this time. In the most disruptive power transition in memory, Trump gives unequivocal signs of his desire to politicize justice and colonize the administration.
The fears of those who warned against the internal dismantling of the American constitutional architecture that a second Republican term would bring are confirmed. Trump has pledged to “drain the swamp,” as a metaphor for eradicating a supposedly partisan administration that conspired against him. But the most likely result of dredging up this “deep state” will be to deplete the wellsprings of American rule of law.
