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Who really runs the PP?

The escapades in which the PP has indulged in recent days raise a more fundamental question. Can such a weak leader tied up by the ultras end up occupying La Moncloa?

The PP prefers to pose as a typical idiot who is easy to deceive

Although it seems impossible, there is continuity in the erratic and anti-political actions of the PP leadership. This consistency lies in the fact that the final decisions on what to do and how to do it are not made by Alberto Núñez Feijóo and his team, but are imposed from the outside in the form of pressure to which they systematically give in. Isabel Díaz Ayuso or, better, her thinking brain, Miguel Ángel Rodríguez, newspapers like The worldradio journalist Federico Jiménez Losantos and some commentators are the representatives of the most right-wing thinking of the PP who impose their criteria on Feijóo, without worrying about the fact that these transfers make him appear more and more like a ridiculous character.

Vox is no longer the “right-wing caucus” which conditions the politics of the PP. Abascal’s party is still there, apparently maintaining its popular support, but its rhetoric is so esoteric that it has no influence on the conventional political framework. Those who have the main voice and the real role in the confrontation with the leadership of the PP are those who evolve within the framework of the party and who intend to command it effectively. For now, conditions all its main tactical and strategic movements. But it is very possible that they also aspire to take over the reins later.

What has happened over the past two weeks dramatically expresses this blackmail. First of all, there were some statements from Feijóo in which, as a surprise, he announced that he was joining the debate on reducing working hours, with his own proposals, while doing the same in terms of conciliation and housing policy. The initiative had the appearance of a change of tone compared to the policy of total confrontation with the government, of systematic disqualification of it and of countless denunciations and insults against Pedro Sánchez. Some interpreted that this change was in response to criticism that intolerance and isolation of Feijoo and his people had been expressed by different party circles and particularly by some regional leaders.

But those who hoped that a new and constructive air would creep into the unbreathable atmosphere of Spanish politics quickly found themselves disappointed. Because at the beginning of this week, the leadership of the PP unleashed a storm against the law which would transpose the European criteria for the execution of sentences, shortly before it was voted on in the Senate, after it had been approved in Congress , with favorable votes. of the PP, who had also been affirmative during previous parliamentary proceedings.

Feijóo came forward to assure that his party had made “an unjustifiable error”. The PP deputies who had participated in the aforementioned procedures made their positions available to the party. And immediately afterwards, all kinds of representatives of the right dedicated themselves to accusing Pedro Sánchez and the PSOE of having practically deceived the PP, thus hiding the ultimate intention of the law.

This was all false. The text, with all its details, was treated in the light of the whole world and its intention was clear and perfectly justified. It is also false to believe that its application will result in reduced sentences for some of the most famous terrorists.

What happened was that some media linked to this internal extreme right of the PP had denounced that Feijóo and his people had given in to the understanding maneuvers of Pedro Sánchez with Bildu and “betrayed the victims”.

Feijóo couldn’t stand these accusations for a minute. And he made a show of repentance to Congress that, on several occasions, was truly ridiculous. Simply out of fear that the Ayuso and Losantos might treat him as a traitor. This is the maximum leader you have in the PP. And the winds of change dissipated before they even began to blow.

On Saturday, another episode confirmed Feijóo’s political weakness compared to his right. Because that day, without anything happening, the PP broke off the ongoing negotiations with the Canary Islands Coalition and the Government to reach an agreement on the distribution of the 600 immigrant minors currently in the Canary Islands. At the last minute, Feijóo had backed down, fearing the same thing as always: that his right would treat him as weak. Fernando Clavijo, president of the Canary Islands, expressed his indignation at this behavior, as he thought he had convinced Feijóo.

The announcement that the former minister and number two of the PSOE will be indicted in the Koldo affairas we suspected for weeks, ended up taking center stage in recent hours. And many want this to continue to happen in the coming days. Except that the case has enough substance to make it so.

But, beyond what will happen with the law on the amount of penalties, which will eventually be approved, and with the 600 immigrant minors, a solution will have to be found in this regard, the little escapades that the PP raises question more fundamental. The question of whether such a weak leader handcuffed by the ultras will be able to end up occupying La Moncloa, as experts predict, will arise after the next general elections.

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Jeffrey Roundtree
Jeffrey Roundtree
I am a professional article writer and a proud father of three daughters and five sons. My passion for the internet fuels my deep interest in publishing engaging articles that resonate with readers everywhere.
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