In the United States and Europe, the far right often presents itself as the defender of workers’ rights, representing the “forgotten” or “left behind” of the post-industrial era. They argue that working-class voters are aligning en masse with the far right because “the left” has betrayed them. Moreover, it is claimed that far-right parties have moved to the left on socio-economic issues such as labor rights and have occupied the space of social democratic parties as “new parties of the working class.”
This discourse has resonated even among Europe’s social democratic elites. However, the truth is that workers do not overwhelmingly support far-right parties, but rather the mainstream right and the Greens. And now, the study we have just published shows that, even though far-right parties have adopted a traditionally left-wing rhetoric, they continue to support right-wing policies and legislative initiatives that harm workers.
We analysed the voting patterns of far-right groups on a range of socio-economic issues. Specifically, we focus on the two far-right groups in the outgoing European Parliament (2019-2024): the now-dissolved Identity and Democracy (ID) group, which includes Marine Le Pen’s National Rally, and the European Union Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), dominated by Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party. We also analysed the legislative initiatives of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party in Hungary, leading the new Patriots for Europe (PfE), the group formed this summer as an unofficial successor to ID after the European elections.
Our analysis looked at how all far-right parties voted on eight issues related to workers’ rights, including paying workers an adequate minimum wage, ensuring pay transparency, providing quality internships and establishing a globally agreed minimum tax for multinational companies.
The analysis, carried out on behalf of the European Trade Union Institute, shows that, contrary to what the far right would have us believe and what is increasingly believed, their votes on the proposals for European directives do not indicate a pro-worker position on the labour market on socio-economic issues, and even less a left-wing position. Quite the contrary: on almost all the eight issues we examined, the voting behaviour of the far right suggests an indifferent, if not directly hostile, position towards workers’ rights. A striking example is the clear rejection of wage transparency and opposition to a European directive on a decent and sufficient minimum wage, mainly among members of the ID group.
On the other hand, we noted substantial differences in the voting patterns of far-right parties, contrasting sharply with the electoral discipline of other political groups in the European Parliament. While most political groups vote almost unanimously on socio-economic issues, the two far-right groups (notably the ECR group) are often quite divided.
For example, on proposals for a minimum corporate tax rate across the EU, supported by 92% of MEPs, ID and ECR were sharply divided. While three ID parties voted against the directive, including Alternative for Germany (AfD), three voted for it and two abstained. In ECR, half of the 10 far-right parties voted against, four abstained and only one voted for it.
The poor electoral discipline within the groups indicates that socio-economic issues are not a central issue for the far right. Interestingly, Fidesz’s overall voting behaviour in Hungary did not correspond to either group, and it was generally slightly less opposed than other far-right parties to the idea of establishing a minimum tax on multinationals across the EU.
It is striking that the far-right parties of southern Europe, such as the League (ID), Italy’s Meloni Brothers and the Greek Solution (ECR), had a less hostile vote on issues favourable to workers’ rights than their peers in northern Europe. The Sweden Democrats, the Estonian Conservative People’s Party and the Danish People’s Party had a more hostile vote, arguably against the strong workers’ rights that already exist in their countries.
Our research reminds us that we must not only look at what the far right says, but also, and above all, at what it does.
Although our study shows that the ECR gives more importance to socio-economic issues than the ID members, the big difference in the voting patterns of the far-right parties, as well as their poor electoral discipline, confirm that workers’ rights are not a priority on your agenda. This contrasts with the priority and central issues in their agenda and discourse, such as migration and asylum applications. Both groups unanimously call for a “European fortress” capable of stopping the massive arrival of migrants and asylum seekers.
In short, while the far right claims to defend workers’ rights with increasingly “left-wing” rhetoric, the truth is that when you look at their voting patterns, it’s clear that they continue to undermine workers’ rights. Our research not only shows that the image of the far right as a defender of workers is at best generalized and at worst misguided; it also reminds us that we need to pay attention not only to what the far right says, but also, and more importantly, to what it does. And there’s no doubt that the far right is attacking workers and is leaning to the right not only on asylum and immigration issues, but also on socio-economic issues.
Mudde Case He is Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor of International Affairs at the University of Georgia, USA, and author of The Far Right Today. Gabriela Greilinger is a doctoral student at the University of Georgia.
Translation by Emma Reverter
